A historical orientation to the goldmining industry in South Africa

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The industry’s boom years and its decline (1972-1993)

From 1972 onwards the gold price skyrocketed, until it reached an all-time high of US$800 per fine ounce in 1980. During this period, new technological developments in mining25 meant that by 1970 the goldmines needed 25% fewer recruits per year. Black labour unrest started in 1973, and, from September 1973 until June 1976, 122 black workers were killed and 700 were injured in 48 separate incidents on the goldmines. Other incidents in other mining industries followed, as did arrests. In response 26 500 workers from Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Botswana and Rhodesia demanded to return to their countries before their contracts expired. All these factors finally had a cumulative effect on the stagnant wages of the previous decades, and wages paid to black workers on the goldmines increased eleven-fold over a period of five years (First 1983: 49- 50; James 1992: 6; Davenport & Saunders 2000: 614).

The number of mineworkers and the work schedule

In 2003 a total of 1535 underground workers, 257 officials and 12 supervisors were employed at Cooke 3 (these were the official figures on 14/05/2003 – Motlhokwane, personal communication). Eighteen women had also started working at this shaft in 2000.64 In addition, from time to time, 260 contract workers carried out specialised jobs, such as creating support structures underground. The work was scheduled into two shifts of eight hours each. The permanent workers work one shift a day for six days in the week, and they have an additional Saturday off once a month (this is in addition to their normal leave arrangements).

Who are the migrant men in this study?

Seventeen of the 30 respondents in this study are oscillating migrants. In this study a man is considered to be an oscillating migrant if he lives at or near the mineshaft and is therefore only able to visit his family when he takes leave from work. The families of these migrants live in rural households and there is thus regular commuting between the place of work and the rural household. Eleven of these 17 migrant men have rural households in Mozambique, two in Lesotho, one in Swaziland, one in KwaZulu-Natal, one in the Eastern Cape and one in the Limpopo Province.

“I was suffering”

Those respondents whose fathers failed to support them adequately as children (without anyone else stepping in to fill the provider role sufficiently), consciously or unconsciously, attempt to live their lives differently from their fathers. Their fathers did not fit in with the cultural scenario of being a breadwinner and they often portray their fathers as having failed them. Their fathers are portrayed by their sons as bad fathers because they could not be adequate providers. As employed mineworkers themselves they are in a position to break the “bad father pattern”. Yet, it will be shown that, even though the breadwinner role is important in this context, other factors also influence the relationship.

READ Branching eigenvalues and defect of hyperbolicity

Sexual relations, power and paternal responsibility

In this particular study certain of the migrants maintained that they were always sexually faithful to their wives. They were often concerned with the financial implications of sexual relations with other women, – for instance, Jerome: “No, they will rip you off with the money”, and Nelson: “I can do that (have a girlfriend), but the biggest problem is that I don’t have money.” Other respondents state simply that they remain faithful to their wives and that this is made easier by the fact that they have more freedom (compared to previous decades) to visit their rural homesteads when they take leave.

Table of contents :

Page number
List of abbreviations
1. Introduction
- 1.1 Statement of the research problem
- 1.2 Relevance of this investigation
  - 1.2.1 Filling the gap
  - 1.2.2 Practical value
  - 1.2.3 Theoretical value
- 1.3 Approaching a study of fatherhood
  - 1.3.1 Theoretical approach
  - 1.3.2 Methodological approach
- 1.4 Outline of the thesis
2. A historical orientation to the goldmining industry in South Africa
- 2.1 Introduction
- 2.2 The development of the goldmine industry (1886-1971)
  - 2.2.1 Early beginnings
  - 2.2.2 Labour from neighbouring countries and legislation in respect of South African workers
  - 2.2.3 Concern versus disregard for black mineworkers and their Families
  - 2.2.4 Migrancy and family life
- 2.3 The industry’s boom years and its decline (1972-1993)
  - 2.3.1 Decreasing number of labourers from neighbouring Countries
  - 2.3.2 Mining as a career for black workers and unionisation
  - 2.3.3 The effect of migrancy on family life
- 2.4 The goldmining industry today (1994-2005)
  - 2.4.1 Retrenchments; subcontracting and unionisation
  - 2.4.2 The spread of HIV/AIDS; the housing of mineworkers and “foreign” labour
  - 2.4.3 Female mineworkers and masculinity
- 2.5 Concluding remarks
3. A theoretical orientation to fatherhood
- 3.1 Introduction
- 3.2 Conceptualising fatherhood
- 3.3 A theoretical approach to fatherhood: Scripting perspective
  - 3.3.1 The cultural scenario
  - 3.3.1.1 Patriarchal relations
  - 3.3.1.2 The breadwinner role of fatherhood
  - 3.3.1.3 “New fatherhood”
- 3.3.2 Interpersonal scripting
- 3.3.3 Intrapsychic scripting
- 3.4 Concluding remarks
4. Methodology
- 4.1 Introduction
- 4.2 Methodological orientation
- 4.3 The research design
  - 4.3.1 Orientation to the research environment
  - 4.3.2 Sampling
  - 4.3.3 In-depth interviews
  - 4.3.4 Data analysis and interpretation
  - 4.3.5 Authenticity
- 4.4 Reflections on the field process
5. Analysis and interpretation: Relationships with own fathers/father figures
6. Analysis and interpretation: Migrancy and fatherhood in the goldmining industry
7. Analysis and interpretation: Resident fathers in the goldmining industry
8. Conclusion