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Table of contents
Introduction
I The Umóⁿhoⁿ language and the valency-changing operations
1 Verbal valency cross-linguistically
1.1 Basic concepts
1.1.1 Argument structure, semantic and grammatical roles
1.1.2 Arguments vs. adjuncts, core and peripheral
1.1.3 Transitivity, valency and voice
1.1.4 Argument referentiality
1.1.5 Describing valency-changing operations
1.2 Valency-increasing operations
1.2.1 Adding an A: Causative
1.2.1.1 Syntactic variations and restrictions
1.2.1.2 Semantic variations and restrictions
1.2.2 Adding a P: Applicatives
1.2.2.1 Syntactic variations and restrictions
1.2.2.2 Semantic variations
1.2.2.3 Functions
1.2.3 Other valency-increasing operations
1.3 Valency-reducing operations
1.3.1 Demoting A: Passive
1.3.1.1 Passive constructions in a canonical perspective
1.3.1.2 The functions of passive constructions
1.3.2 Demoting P: Antipassive
1.3.3 Merging A and P: Reflexive / reciprocal
1.3.4 Other valency-reducing operations
1.4 The formal realizations of valency change
1.4.1 No formal marking
1.4.2 Lexical pairs
1.4.3 Verbal morphology
1.4.4 Complex predicates
1.4.4.1 Compounds
1.4.4.2 Noun incorporation
1.4.4.3 Periphrastic CPs
1.4.5 Open syntax: multiclausal constructions
1.5 Syncretism and blurred boundaries around valency-changing operations
2 Grammatical sketch of Umoⁿhoⁿ
2.1 The Umóⁿhoⁿ language: available documentation
2.1.1 Available documentation
2.1.2 Typology of the documentation
2.1.3 Corpora and databases used in this dissertation
2.2 Phonology
2.2.1 Consonants
2.2.2 Vowels
2.2.3 Accent and prosody
2.3 Morphology
2.3.1 Typological aspects
2.3.2 Nominal morphology
2.3.3 Verbal morphology
2.4 Parts of speech
2.4.1 Verbs
2.4.2 Nouns
2.4.3 Articles
2.4.4 Postpositions
2.4.5 Adverbs
2.4.6 Demonstratives, possessives, quantifiers
2.4.7 Remarks on predication
2.4.8 Remarks on the noun-verb distinction
2.5 Syntax
2.5.1 Word order and NPs
2.5.1.1 Basic argument order
2.5.1.2 Double object constructions
2.5.1.3 Appositive NPs
2.5.1.4 Internal structure of Noun Phrases (NPs)
2.5.2 Grammatical roles and morphological alignment
2.5.2.1 Grammatical roles indexed by the verb
2.5.2.2 Split intransitivity
2.5.2.3 Nominative/accusative features
2.5.3 Core arguments, peripheral arguments, adjuncts
2.5.4 Relative clauses (RCs)
2.5.4.1 Relativized arguments
2.5.4.2 Head nouns are never followed by articles
2.5.4.3 Headless relative clauses
2.5.4.4 Some RC lack a relativizer
2.5.5 Clausal complements
2.5.6 Verb sequences
2.5.7 Possession
2.6 Discourse and pragmatics
2.6.1 Obviation system
2.6.1.1 Formal marking
2.6.1.2 Pragmatic functions
2.6.2 Gendered speech
2.7 Comparison of “19th-century Umóⁿhoⁿ” with “Contemporary Umóⁿhoⁿ”
3 Verbal morphology
3.1 Verb inflection: introduction to person and number marking
3.1.1 The person category of first dual and plural
3.1.2 Plural marking
3.1.3 The specificity of third person plural object
3.2 Verb inflection: post-verbal markers
3.2.1 Suffixes, enclitics or free forms?
3.2.2 Markers =(a)zhi and -xti
3.2.3 Enclitic =ibib
3.2.4 Auxiliaries and evidential markers
3.3 Verb derivation
3.4 Prefixal template
3.4.1 Template of derivational prefixes
3.4.2 Template with person markers
3.4.3 Detailed template of person markers
3.4.4 Detailed template of person markers with oblique prefixes
3.4.5 Multiple exponence
3.4.5.1 Types of ME with examples
3.4.5.2 Analysis
3.4.5.3 Combinations and exuberant exponence
3.4.6 Conclusion
3.5 Morphophonology
3.5.1 Morphophonological rules applying verb initially
3.5.1.1 Rules affecting particular morphemes
3.5.1.2 Rules affecting vowel sequences
3.5.1.3 Reanalysis
3.5.1.4 Summary and examples
3.5.2 Ablaut
3.5.3 The origin of the athematic paradigms
3.6 D and B: between derivation and inflection
3.7 Conjugational paradigms
3.7.1 Initial consonant alternation
3.7.2 Morphophonological changes induced by derivational prefixes
3.7.3 Combination of different features
3.7.4 Main conjugational paradigms
4 Valency alternations in Umóⁿhoⁿ: an overview
4.1 Verb classes of Umóⁿhoⁿ: syntactic categories
4.1.1 Avalent verbs
4.1.2 Monovalent verbs
4.1.3 Bivalent verbs
4.1.3.1 Verbs encoding A/P
4.1.3.2 Verbs encoding A/D
4.1.3.3 Bivalent stative verbs
4.1.4 Trivalent verbs
4.1.4.1 Verbs encoding A/P
4.1.4.2 Verbs encoding A/D
4.1.4.3 Verbs encoding A/B
4.1.4.4 Double object marking
4.1.5 Quadrivalent verbs
4.1.6 Accusative and ergative lability
4.1.6.1 Accusative lability
4.1.6.2 Ergative lability of stative verbs
4.2 Causative constructions
4.2.1 Causative bound stems
4.2.2 Causation through instrumental prefixes
4.2.3 Periphrastic causative constructions
4.3 Applicative constructions in Umóⁿhoⁿ
4.4 Dative and benefactive-possessive applicatives
4.4.1 “Dative” applicative
4.4.1.1 The semantic roles introduced by the dative applicative
4.4.1.2 Polysemy of the dative applicative
4.4.1.3 The dative prefix as a non-applicative derivational prefix
4.4.2 Benefactive-possessive applicative
4.4.3 An etymologically related prefix: the possessive gi-
4.5 Oblique applicatives
4.6 Antipassive
4.6.1 Antipassive marker wa-
4.6.2 Object incorporation
4.7 Reflexive/ reciprocal
4.8 Passive reading of transitive clauses
4.9 Derivation, lexicalization, semantic demotivation
4.9.1 Degrees of semantic demotivation
4.9.2 The impact of demotivation on morphology and syntax
4.10 Summary of valency-changing operations
II Case studies
5 Causative constructions in morphology and syntax
5.1 The causative bound root -the and its derived forms
5.1.1 Semantic analysis: -the vs. -kʰithe
5.1.2 Other derived causative stems
5.1.3 Positioning and scope of inflection and derivation
5.1.4 Recursivity
5.1.5 Morphological and syntactic features of causative bound roots
5.2 Case study: semantics and syntax of ga- ‘by force’
5.2.1 Instrumental prefixes: overview
5.2.2 Database and methodology
5.2.3 Prefix ga- : meanings
5.2.4 Prefix ga- : syntactic functions
5.2.5 Prefix ga- : semantic analysis of complex predicates
5.3 Other instrumental prefixes
5.3.1 Generalization of the properties of ga- to the other prefixes
5.3.2 Semantic analysis of instrumental verbs
5.3.2.1 Causative construction: instrumental expressing manner, base expressing result
5.3.2.2 Instrumental expressing non-agentive force, base expressing result
5.3.2.3 Instrumental with predicative function, base with an adverbial or circumstantial function
5.3.2.4 Both prefix and base having predicative functions
5.3.3 The causative function of the instrumental prefixes
5.3.3.1 Causative derivation of verbs
5.3.3.2 Causative derivation of non-verbal bases
5.3.3.3 Evolution of thi- towards a neutral causative marker
5.3.4 Instrumental prefixes expressing non-agentive forces
5.4 Periphrastic causative gáxe
5.4.1 Meanings of gáxe and corresponding syntactic constructions
5.4.2 Causative constructions using gáxe
5.4.3 Derivations from gáxe
5.5 Other causative or causative-like constructions
5.6 Comparison of the different causative constructions
5.6.1 Semantic comparison
5.6.2 Recursivity
5.6.3 Formal comparison
5.7 Summary
6 Oblique applicatives
6.1 Meanings of the applicative prefixes
6.1.1 Locative applicative constructions
6.1.2 Figurative locations
6.1.3 Instrumental and other meanings associated with í-
6.1.4 Applicative í- yielding complex prefixes
6.2 Syntactic properties of the applicative constructions
6.2.1 Verb classes undergoing applicative derivation
6.2.2 Object properties of monotransitive applicative verbs
6.2.3 Object properties of ditransitive applicative verbs
6.2.4 Applicative objects: NPs vs. PPs
6.2.5 Applicative í- introducing clausal complements
6.2.6 Instrumental/causative syncretism: instrumental prefix í- introducing inanimate causers
6.3 Optionality/obligatoriness of the oblique applicative constructions
6.3.1 Locative applicatives
6.3.2 Instrumental applicative
6.3.3 “Reason” applicative
6.4 Other functions and demotivation of the oblique prefixes
6.4.1 Valency-preserving derivational prefixes
6.4.2 Demotivation of the applicative prefixes
6.5 Summary
7 Prefix wa : antipassive and other functions
7.1 The homonymous morphemes wa- in Umóⁿhoⁿ
7.1.1 Third person plural object marker – O3pl
7.1.2 First person plural patientive marker – P1pl
7.1.3 Marker of an underspecified argument
7.1.4 Opaque formations and unknown function
7.2 Formal resemblances and distinctions
7.2.1 Common formal behavior
7.2.2 Formal distinctions
7.3 The subfunctions of wa- as an underspecified argument marker
7.3.1 Generic interpretation: Antipassive marker – antip
7.3.2 Indefinite object – indef
7.3.3 Nominalizer – nmlz
7.3.4 Evolution towards an aspectual marker?
7.4 Antipassive constructions and verbs in Umóⁿhoⁿ
7.4.1 Difficulties in interpreting wa- as an antipassive marker
7.4.2 Basics of morpho-syntax
7.4.2.1 Antipassive on inherent ditransitive verbs
7.4.2.2 Combination of wa- with valency-increasing morphemes
7.4.3 Typology of the Umóⁿhoⁿ antipassive and indefinite object
7.4.4 Antipassive vs. indefinite object: derivation and syntax
7.5 The ambiguities between the functions of wa-
7.5.1 Antipassive vs. O3pl
7.5.2 Antipassive vs. indefinite object
7.6 Wa- : a network of functions
7.6.1 Classification of the functions of wa- in the database
7.6.2 Network and examples
7.6.3 Two possible sources for the antipassive
7.6.4 Wa- as a marker of transitivity decrease
7.7 Comparative data
7.7.1 O3pl
7.7.2 Underspecified argument marker
7.7.3 Wa- attested on nouns
7.7.4 Other functions
7.7.5 Possible sources of the antipassive marker
7.8 Summary
8 Nominal Incorporation
8.1 Methodology: how to recognize Noun Incorporation?
8.1.1 NI in Siouan languages
8.1.2 Does Umóⁿhoⁿ have Noun incorporation?
8.1.3 Why NI is difficult to recognize in Umóⁿhoⁿ
8.1.4 The database
8.2 Formal evidence of N-V coalescence
8.2.1 Bound nominal elements [1]
8.2.2 Inflection and derivation on the left edge of NI [2 & 3]
8.2.3 Conjugation forms [4 & 5]
8.2.4 Accentual patterns [6 & 7]
8.2.5 Loss of final vowel [8]
8.2.6 Semantic opacity [9]
8.2.7 Summary and discussion
8.3 Morphosyntactic features of NI
8.3.1 Conjugation of incorporating verbs
8.3.2 Nature of incorporated and incorporating elements
8.3.3 Syntactic functions incorporated
8.3.3.1 Core arguments
8.3.3.2 Possessed objects
8.3.3.3 Other syntactic functions and dubious cases
8.3.4 Case study: gthóⁿ vs. míⁿgthóⁿ
8.3.4.1 Míⁿgthóⁿ
8.3.4.2 Gthóⁿ
8.3.5 Summary
8.4 Bare nouns
8.4.1 Absence of determiner as a grammatically determined feature
8.4.2 Absence of determiner in an information-structural variation
8.4.3 Bare nouns losing their syntactic status
8.4.4 From definite syntactic object to NI by juxtaposition
8.5 Possible NI relics
8.6 Summary
Conclusion
A. Grammatography
B. The interpretation of non-realized arguments
C. Morphology vs. syntax
Bibliography
