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Chapter Three: The research setting
The historical setting
Introduction
The study is focussed on the Langa of Mapela who live north of the town of Potgietersrus in the Northern Province. The Langa of Mapela are of Nguni origin and, together with other chiefdoms in the region, form the Northern Ndebele section of the Transvaal Ndebele. In the following section, the Nguni name « Langa » is used to refer to the nucleus of the royal family while the Northern Sotho pronunciation « Laka » is used for stranger groups of Northern Sotho and other origins.
Besides the Langa of Mapela, the Northern Ndebele comprise the adjacent Langa of Bakenberg, various Kekana and Letwaba (Maune) chiefdoms and the Seleka. With the exception of the offshoot of Johannes Kekana, near Hammanskraal just north of Pretoria, the other constituent components of the Northern Ndebele all live in the Northern Province of South Africa. The various Kekana, Langa and Letwaba chiefdoms live north of Potgietersrus while the Seleka chiefdom is found on the northwestern border of the Northern Province with Botswana (Van Warmelo 1974: 67).
In the process of settlement in their new area the then ruling nucleus of Mapela followed an open system of citizenship, when they came into contact with surrounding Northern Sotho-speaking people. This resulted in intermarriages with, and assimilation of, Northern Sotho cultural elements to the extent that the Nguni origin of the Langa has disappeared to such an extent that today they speak predominantly Northern Sotho (see Jackson 1969: 1; Legassick 1969: 86pp; Hammond-Tooke 1981: 6). Even the ruling nucleus now allows types of kin to marry, practises circumcision, performs joint initiation rituals and venerates a totem animal (the elephant; tlou) as do the Northern Sotho people.
The reign of the respective chiefs of the Langa of Mapela
The Northern Ndebele, like other Northern Sotho-speakers in the Northern Province, are organized into chiefdoms. The traditional authority system of chiefdoms forms the local administration in the rural areas of the province (De Beer 1997: 232). Following (see Box 3 below), the respective chiefs (magos1) and regents of the Langa of Mapela are presented.
The reigns of the early chiefs
Mapela derived its clan name « Langa » (ilanga means « sun » in the Nguni languages) from the first chief and common ancestor of the ruling lineage Langalibalele (litt.: « there where the sun is hot »; referring to the capital of the former chief, Jackson 1982: 3). The Langa as well as unrelated stranger groups which have become members of the chiefdom through adoption, conquest, or negotiation, left the original Hlubi home under the leadership of chief Masebe I in KwaZulu around the middle of the 17th century, long before Shaka, the former Zulu king, rose to power in 1816 (Jackson 1982: 3). For a short while they resided east of Pietersburg at Bosega where their closest neighbours were the Kekana at Moletlane and the Matlala at the Matlala mountains northwest of Pietersburg (Jackson 1982: 4).
Masebe I and his successors Mapuso, Podile and Masebe II ruled and died at Thaba Tshweu which is situated a few kilometres southeast of Pietersburg. On the basis of the sequence of successive age-sets it is possible to make relatively valid statements about the initiation of the early chiefs beginning with Podile who was probably initiated around 1690. Each age-set is normally led by the highest ranking son of the royal family and the usual time lapse between age-sets is estimated at six to eight years. Jackson (1982: 4) concludes that each previous chief was the head of an age-set.
Masebe II was succeeded by Podile’sgrandson Seritarita at Thaba Tshweu in about 1775. Seritarita departed with his people and settled at Maleoko which is almost directly north of Potgietersrus. Ultimately, the Ndebele of Mapela settled near the Mogalakwena River at Moumong-wa-Matswake under chief Mapela, the son of Seritarita’s third-ranking wife. Mapela became chief because of the failure of his father’s principal wife to produce a son, and through the desertion of his higher-ranking half-brother, Makgenene. Mapela ruled well and his people increased in number and fame and in the course of time established a large farming community. This was achieved through the incorporation of a number of smaller Sotho chiefdoms or lineages (Jackson 1982: 9). Towards the end of Mapela’s rule, the Matabele of Mzilikazi arrived, and the Langa suffered greatly at their hands.21 Mapela died in 1825 at his headquarters close to the Fothane mountain (Jackson 1982: 10).
The reign of Mankopane
Mankopane, the successor of Mapela, was threatened by the Mamaala group who were descendants of the son of Seritarita’ssecond-ranking wife, Makgenene, who had left his father and failed to visit Mapela during his last years. Mankopane did not defeat the Mamaala and his group was eventually re-incorporated into the chiefdom. However, it is said that some of them once again broke away.
During Mankopane’sreign, the whole area north of Potgietersrus was virtually controlled by the Langa who had the courage to fight any incident of betrayal or offence by stranger groups or neighbouring people. The Langa came into contact with the Afrikaner Boers in the aftermath of the Great Trek which started in the early 1830s. The first encounters were overshadowed by the killing of twenty-eight Boer people and others by Mankopane’s people at Fothane. Before this, the Kekana of Moletlane under chief Mokopane had killed some Boer people at Moorddrift. During these fights, Hermanus Potgieter, a brother of the Trek leader Andries Hendrik Potgieter, was murdered at Fothane hill by the Langa which was then given the name Moordkoppie (litt.: murder hill).
The background to the violent and aggressive attack by Mankopane to frighten the Boers away, is provided by the fact that he and the neighbouring Kekana felt that the influx of the White settlers in their part of the country was becoming a threat to their sovereignity. While the Kekana were finally overcome by the Boers under M. W. Pretorius, the Langa retreated to a mountain called Magagamatala near Marken. The first Boer commando could not conquer them and only departed with a considerable number of livestock. Under cover of darkness Mankopane and his people were again attacked in 1858. Due to the darkness, the Boers were able to kill a considerable number of Mankopane’speople. After this defeat, Mankopane settled on Thutlwane hill.
The second encounter which influenced the history of the Langa Ndebele is related to the arrival of Paul Kruger near Potgietersrus in 1868. He acted against the Langa of Mankopane who had raided a number of White farms but could not conquer them completely. After killing many more of Mankopane’speople, Kruger realized that his ammunition supply was too low to continue. He then withdrew to Potgietersrus and, while retreating, burnt some of Mankopane’soutposts and crops (Jackson 1982: 23). Presumably, Kruger’swithdrawal made Mankopane more arrogant than ever since he was not defeated by Kruger. The following negotiations resulted in the signing of a permanent peace agreement in 1869. In terms of this agreement, Mankopane was not required to pay an indemnity which he again regarded as a victory for himself.
Such periods of unrest in the area led to the departure of most of the Whites from Potgietersrus. Others died of fever. According to Jackson (1982: 24) the town was abandoned by all survivors in May 1870. No written records exist which indicate that Mankopane’sLanga agreed to pay annual levies despite their subjection to the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) .
Equally as important as Mankopane’sstruggle with the Boers is his relationship with delegates from missionary societies whose activities began to flourish under his rule. Missionaries were used as mediators in internal politics, they formally educated children in mission schools and also gave medical assistance. At the same time, however, they disrupted local customs and beliefs. It is well documented that missionaries opposed numerous old established customs such as, for instance, rainmaking as well as « heathen » rituals like initiation (see Hoffmann 1905: 100; Eiselen 1934: 65; Jackson 1982: 27). According to Jackson (1982: 24), Mankopane’s motive for requesting a missionary in his country was neither to have his people converted nor to become a Christian himself. He rather sought a mediator in his dealings with the Emigrant Boers.
Chapter One: lntroduction
1. Background to the study
2.The conceptual framework
3. Methodology
4. Presentation of the material
5. Terminology in the text
Chapter Two: Contextual studies on resource management and local knowledge
1. The development discourse
2. The anthropological discourse
3. The « African » situation
4. Summary
Chapter Three: The research setting
1. The historical setting
2. The cultural setting
3. The environmental setting
4. The resource management setting
5. Summary
Chapter Four: Use and management of residential land
1. Introduction
2. Access to and the control of residential land
3. Uses of residential land
4. Decision-making and relationships
5. Conclusions
Chapter Five: Use and management of agricultural land
1 . Introduction
2. Access to and control of agricultural land
3. Agricultural activities
4. Conclusions
Chapter Six: Use and management of other natural resources on the commonage
1. Introduction
2. Botanical resources
3. Grazing land
4. Water resources
5. Conclusions
Chapter Seven: Natural resource management and local knowledge
1. Introduction
2. Local knowledge
3. Transmission of knowledge
4. Managerial structures, values and priorities
5. Conclusions
Chapter Eight: Findings and Conclusions
1. Grassroots people and the international arena
2. The anthropological perspective of resource management and local knowledge
3. Local knowledge: potential and limitations
4. Practical implications and recommendations
APPENDIX
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NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT AND LOCAL KNOWLEDGE IN TRANSITION: AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE FROM THE LAKA OF MAPELA
