Project topics and materials
Get Complete Project Material File(s) Now! »
CHAPTER II THE TRAJECTORY OF INDONESIAN HIGHER EDUCATION
INTRODUCTION
This chapter is about the history of Indonesian higher education. Indonesia has a unique historical context that made its higher education system distinctive from other countries. The uniqueness is evident in the trajectory of its higher education system, that is from before the colonial period, during colonialism, and post-independence. Each period marks a different stage of Indonesian higher education trajectory. One clear example is the way privatisation was rejected, but internationalisation is accepted, whereas in most Western countries both reforms go side by side. The question which anchors this historical inquiry is: “What is the purpose of higher education in Indonesia?” Revealing the changing purposes of higher education over time is central to understanding the contemporary reforms and the subversion of the education’s role in creating a democratic nation, including the enigma of rejected privatisation but accepted internationalisation. The history of Indonesian education shows clearly the deep commitment of the people to a public education system which helps explain the antagonism to privatisation. This commitment was clearly written in the 1945 Constitution securing “the rights of every citizen to access education” (article 31, verse 1).
I begin with an account of higher learning in Indonesia during the 16th and 17th centuries to show the long tradition of knowledge being valued for its intrinsic value as the symbolic means of thought and commitment (Bernstein, 2000; Durkheim, 1995). Section two examines the emergence and establishment of modern higher education during the colonial period in the 20th century. Section three investigates the underpinning principles of the massification period of higher education which occurred from the 1990s. Section four analyses the contemporary reforms, firstly the attempted privatisation, and then the internationalisation of higher education since the turn of the century.
PESANTREN: THE EARLY FORM OF HIGHER LEARNING (16TH – 17TH CENTURIES)
There is little known about the earlier forms of Indonesian higher learning. But surely it had existed in the archipelago long before the Dutch occupation and certainly before the name ‘Indonesia’ was coined4 (Bruinessen, 1994; Buchori & Malik, 2004; Wahid, 2001), probably in the form of small intellectual communities which were common in many places including the Middle East, China, India, and Europe (Collins, 1998). By the 16th and 17th centuries, education was characterised by an Islamic, non-formal, and less structured system, including Higher Education (Buchori & Malik, 2004).5 Arguably, education at all levels was provided by local Islamic boarding schools called pesantren (Nakamura & Nishino, 1995).
Pesantren was often referred to as pondok pesantren or only pondok which means a hut made of bamboo or other light materials. This lightness and simplicity in the past “reflected a heritage of humble origins and scholars wandering in search of knowledge” (Pringle, 2010). The leader of pesantren, called kyai, arose from the intellectual group as one who possessed outstanding religious scholarship. This scholarly reputation was acquired by studying under recognised scholars and from the recognition of the intellectual group (Pringle, 2010). A kyai was responsible for preserving one’s scholarship and leadership through knowledge pursuit and consistent involvement in their intellectual community (Dhofier, 1980). Therefore, they were highly mobile in pursuing and disseminating knowledge, as well as in establishing intellectual networks. The importance of the travelling ‘international’ scholar for my argument is developed in Chapter Four.
Although not as structured as the secular education introduced by the Dutch, the advanced level of pesantren was considered higher education because if the graduates at this level decided to pursue further study in the Middle East, such as at Al-Azhar University in Egypt, they were directly admitted to the postgraduate level (Buchori & Malik, 2004; Pringle, 2010). Travelling or mobility is a main feature of the scholarly life of pesantren with the santris travelling mostly to the Middle East in quest of knowledge. This travelling tradition has been maintained until today and it contributes to the unity of the pesantren system, thus stimulating scholarly endeavour (Dhofier, 1980). Bruinessen noted this mobility as follows.
Most of the early Indonesian authors of Islamic literature spent considerable periods in Mecca, Madina and other Middle Eastern centres of learning. Not only those with scholarly pretensions, also the early Indonesian Muslim rulers looked to Mecca, for legitimation if not also for useful ilmu (knowledge)… Although our knowledge of pre-17th century Indonesian Islam is extremely limited, it seems likely that this orientation towards Mecca had been established well before the cited events. (Bruinessen, 1994)
Pesantren provided two ways of learning: classical lecturing for the younger students, and individual learning for the older ones (Yulaelawati, 2009). It applied neither social status nor class distinction in the education system. With reference to this equal treatment, Penders (1977) mentioned that “most children who visit the pesantren are of lower-class origin. However, there are also some children of chiefs who receive their education there.” (p. 251). Pesantren was locally rooted in the Indonesian soil, but its orientation and influence was to a larger world (Bruinessen, 1994). It aimed to educate the society at large without making an economic profit from its activities. Knowledge was valued for its intrinsic worth in enabling people to better understand themselves and their beliefs. It provided basic religious knowledge about Islam and provided practice in reading sacred texts (Qur’an and Hadith), and in the study of Islamic jurisprudence (fikh), and foreign language studies (Arabic). If resources were available, some pesantren offered astronomy (falak) and algebra. The Pesantren tradition and education is still available until today, but with some adjustment to current needs (Pringle, 2010; Wahid, 2001). The curriculum has integrated non-religious subjects such as natural science, social science, and arts. Its infrastructure is now more modern with permanent buildings, instead of the bamboo hut of the past. This form of education retains its commitment to the idea that knowledge has a deeply humanising value.
COLONIALISM: THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN HIGHER EDUCATION (20TH CENTURY)
Following the Dutch occupation in 1831 a modern secular education system was introduced, but it was not until 19026 as a consequence of the Ethical Policy7 that higher education was established. The Dutch Higher Education system was mainly vocational and elitist (Buchori & Malik, 2004; Guggenheim, 2012; Jalal & Musthafa, 2001). It was primarily intended as a cheap way to produce skilled professionals in order to meet the shortage of Dutch doctors, engineers, and other professionals who were needed in Europe during World War I (Arivia, 2012; Buchori & Malik, 2004; Ricklefs, 2001). The Dutch established a medical school for indigenous doctors (1902) in Jakarta, and an engineering school (1920) in Bandung. Later in 1924, a law school in Jakarta and an agricultural school in Bogor were established. Those schools mainly provided professional training and were less research oriented than universities in European countries.
Many observers (Buchori & Malik, 2004; Guggenheim, 2012; Jalal & Musthafa, 2001; Ricklefs, 2001) comment that, in contrast to British colonialism, the Dutch had never really established a national university system to educate the indigenous populace. The educational scheme was limited in numbers and could only be enjoyed by the elite (Jalal & Musthafa, 2001; van Niel, 1960). Yulaelawati (Yulaelawati, 2009) argues that “the purpose of educating Indonesians was not for Indonesian benefit, but for the benefit of the Dutch” (p. 68). In fact, there were 106 indigenous students in total enrolled in these schools up to 1930. It was pesantren which provided education for the majority of local Indonesians. Penders (1977) reported that there were 1127 pesantren located in Java, Madura and Sumatra. During these decades, the modern higher education system was part of existing social stratification (Yulaelawati, 2009). The social gap was reflected in the student body from top to bottom: Europeans – native aristocracy – prominent Eurasians – Chinese businessmen – indigenous people.
Although democratic ideals about human rights informed the Ethical Policy and were promoted by the small intellectual elite, both Dutch (such as Conrad Theodor van Deventer and Eduard Douwes Dekker) and indigenous priyayi (such as Sosro Kartono and Kartini), there were deeply embedded interests in the colonial government that pushed back against the Ethical Policy (Guggenheim, 2012). The privileged indigenous groups in the beginning accepted the practice of educational provision, as it provided them with mobility to Europe. However, the elitist and discriminatory provision of education, as well as the overwhelming common problems experienced by ordinary people such as famine, poverty and epidemics contributed to the growing resentment toward colonialism and increased the desire for autonomy and independence. The educational experience of those who travelled to Europe, and the Western literature they read, helped shape the collective consciousness that the basic principles of human rights had been violated. This national collective consciousness brought together the earlier local separate awareness and movements against Dutch colonialism that had happened locally in many regions. These were, to name a few, the local wars and guerrilla campaigns led by Prince Diponegoro in Java (1825-1830), Captain Pattimura in Maluku island (1817), Tuanku Imam Bondjol in Central Sumatra (1803-1837), and Teuku Umar in Aceh (1873-1899) then posthumously continued by his wife Cut Nyak Dien (1899-1901).
The first generation of the Indonesian indigenous who studied in the Netherlands was very small in number. The pioneer was Sosro Kartono who went to the Netherlands in the 1890s (Poeze, Dijk, & Meulen, 2014). Born into an aristocratic Javanese family, he was the son of the Jepara Regent in Central Java. Sosro Kartono was the brother of Kartini, the first indigenous woman who received Dutch primary education (1885 – 1891) and keenly wanted to pursue further study in Holland, but was discouraged from doing so by her family. However, her ambition was larger than just going to Europe. She then engaged in intensive correspondence with the Dutch colonial government prior to the Ethical Policy, sending a provocative memorandum to the colonial government entitled “Educate the Javanese!” (Kartini & Taylor, 1974). In one the letter, Kartini wrote:
By keeping the majority in ignorance one gains control – that could be the slogan of very many high-ranking people who see with regret that others too are striving for knowledge and cultivation. (Kartini & Taylor, 1974, p. 88)
No woman’s opinion had ever been sought by the colonial government. However Kartini’s commitment to education, and to women in particular, was so strong that she eventually established Indonesia’s first girls’ school in 1899 by combining Javanese and Western values and practices. Sosro Kartono, the brother of Kartini, at first studied at a Polytechnic in Delft, but then took up the study of Eastern Language and Literature in Leiden (Poeze et al., 2014). He made a significant contribution to European scholarship by researching language and identity. For his competency in mastering 24 foreign languages and 10 local Indonesian languages, he was appointed the Head of Translators to the League of Nations in 1919-1921.
Chapter I Introduction
Introduction
Internationalisation and Acceptance
Institutional Vertical Segmentation
Chapter II The Trajectory of Indonesian Higher Education
Introduction
Pesantren: the early form of higher learning (16th – 17th centuries)
Privatisation and Internationalisation: Indonesian higher education in the contemporary period (21st century)
Conclusion
Chapter III The Knowledge Shift
Introduction
Knowledge Forms and Insulation
A Profound Shift to Knowledge
Conclusion
Chapter IV Internationalisation
Introduction
Eighteenth Century – instrumentalising higher education
Conclusion
Chapter V Internationalisation Discourses and Debate at Policy Level
Introduction
The Change in Higher Education
Policy Analysis
Analysis of Policy Documents
Second Nodal Discourse: international competitiveness
Conclusion
Chapter VI Localising internationalisation:
Introduction
Restoring Socio-Economic Class
The Agents’ Cosmopolitan Dispositions and the Economic Reality of Internationalisation
Conclusion
Chapter VII University Elite and their Discourses
Introduction
The Conundrum
Conclusion
Chapter VIII Repurposing Indonesian Higher Education through Internationalisation
Introduction .
Repurposing Indonesian Higher Education through Internationalisation
Coda: from cosmopolitanism to cosmopolitics
Appendices
REFERENCES
GET THE COMPLETE PROJECT
